Despite the fact that by the time the article was published, the black population had by no means reached the level of economic equality with Caucasian Americans and there were still persuasive problems, African Americans made considerable advancements.
The article suggests that the struggles to achieve the economic equality with the white population got realized in the 1970s, namely through legislation and a variety of other means of federal assistance.
Having fled the Jim Crow South in the Fifties, my parents were seeking to limit our contact with filling stations, restaurants, motels, and other public accommodations along the way, where their children might be snarled at by white cashiers and attendants. Rather, they stopped him seemingly out of curiosity and a desire to test his willingness to accept the etiquette of white supremacy. The origins of the act reside outside the lived experience of most Americans, which makes remembering and assessing this benchmark all the more important.
As I matured, I saw that once we crossed the Potomac River and ventured into Virginia, we encountered a terrain that filled my parents with dread. He became noticeably nervous at the sight of police officers. Their colloquies went something like this: “That’s a nice car you’re driving, boy.” “Thank you, officer. Americans should know why there was a need for such a law, and we should understand both the constitutional predicate on which it is grounded and the reason why one of its seemingly least controversial features — the provision banning racial discrimination in privately owned places of public accommodation — was once heavily contested.
The article explains that the legislation and its subsequent enforcement by the U. federal government, changing opinions and attitudes of the public, and a passionate desire demonstrated by the African Americans themselves to grow upwardly mobile caused a rising number of the black people in the middle class.