Was The Weimar Republic Doomed To Fail Essay

Was The Weimar Republic Doomed To Fail Essay-21
Her essays have been published on Salon.com, Newsweek.com, and elsewhere. International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity, 5(1), pp.91–107.(2010), explores how post-World War I shifts in established gender relations and sexual mores affected the stability of Germany’s first experiment in liberal-democratic government. DOI: Ever since 8 November 2016, when Donald Trump won the US Presidential Election, people have tried to make sense of this unexpected and – for many – shocking victory.

Her essays have been published on Salon.com, Newsweek.com, and elsewhere. International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity, 5(1), pp.91–107.(2010), explores how post-World War I shifts in established gender relations and sexual mores affected the stability of Germany’s first experiment in liberal-democratic government. DOI: Ever since 8 November 2016, when Donald Trump won the US Presidential Election, people have tried to make sense of this unexpected and – for many – shocking victory.With this debate, the participating scholars contribute to a better understanding not only of Weimar’s demise, but also of the political upheavals of the present.

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This (special path) thesis has attracted much criticism and recently the opposite argument has been made: to some extent at least, Weimar was too modern, too liberal, too progressive.

Particularly with its famously permissive sexual politics, the republic pushed the envelope so far that an inevitable backlash followed that swept Hitler’s anti-democratic movement into power.

His much-discussed article in the New York Times argued that the liberal ‘obsession with diversity has encouraged white, rural, religious Americans to think of themselves as a disadvantaged group whose identity is being threatened or ignored’.

The exclusive concern with civil rights of Black people, equality for women or separate toilets for people who identify as transgender, Lilla concluded, drove these voters into the arms of a candidate who seemed to take their concerns seriously and respect their values.

Trump’s election victory is one of several recent political phenomena that have been explained by the ‘backlash’ thesis – that disaffected white working-class voters are reacting against supposedly excessive liberalism.

The ‘Brexit’ vote in the United Kingdom has also been interpreted as a rejection of a perceived out-of-touch liberal establishment and its project of building a European identity based on free movement and free trade.Since the Weimar Republic fell, observers of German politics have argued that sex helped to bring it down.Many historians have lately endorsed a version of this idea: a conservative backlash against the relatively open and tolerant responses to non-traditional takes on sex and gender that prevailed under the Republic helped to sink democracy.My book, (Toronto, 2015), contains a multi-chapter argument about backlash. (Likewise, Roos’s argument is quite complex; interested readers will want to consult her book.) Rather, I will describe the basics of the debate and sketch some of the evidence. What I call the ‘backlash thesis’ points to conservative frustration with Weimar’s sexual libertinism and the success of Weimar-era reforms to laws on sexuality.It holds that that frustration boiled up into a strong oppositional reaction, a backlash.In effect, all of these explanations argue that the pursuit of liberal values such as the support for minorities’ rights, while perhaps a noble pursuit, has been so relentless that it lost the backing of the majority and is thus threatening the existence of the liberal world order itself. The collapse of Germany’s first liberal democracy and the establishing of the Nazi dictatorship are among the most intensely researched and debated topics in modern history.In their search to find an explanation for this catastrophic failure of democracy, historians have long argued that it was Germany’s authoritarian traditions and lack of political modernization that doomed the young republic from the start.Edward Ross Dickinson is Professor of European history at the University of California at Davis.He has recently published books on the social roots and political dynamics of the broader debate about sexuality in turn-of-the-century Germany (, and elsewhere.I am grateful to Roos and to Edward Ross Dickinson for debating this question with me.I am, in addition, indebted to Roos’s excellent and important book even if I depart from some of its conclusions.

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